The good news about crime that you probably won’t hear about in election ads

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By Eddie Burkhalter, Appleseed Researcher

In Alabama last year, both violent and property crime fell by a combined 7.5 percent, following a consistent trend of decreasing crime rates across the U.S., according to the Federal Bureau of Investigations crime data analyzed by Appleseed. 

Despite frequent public perception that crime is surging, all four violent crimes, defined by the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting program as rape, robbery, aggravated assault and homicide, fell in Alabama and across the country last year.  

In 2025 violent crimes in Alabama fell by 6.5 percent from 2024, and property crimes (larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, burglary and arson) fell even further, by 7.8 percent. 

Violent crime has not been this low nationwide since 1968, and property crime rates are lower than they have been since pre-1960s, according to an analysis of FBI data by Jeff Asher, a nationally recognized crime data expert and co-founder of the data analytics firm AH Datalytics. 

Falling crime has continued to trend across the country, and in Alabama, for many years. Over the decade from 2015 and 2025, violent crime in Alabama fell by a combined 25.7 percent, while property crime dropped by 41 percent. 

Alabama’s largest cities

Birmingham is on pace to end 2026 with the lowest number of homicides since 1951, according to AL.com. Between January 1 and June 30, 2026, there were 24 homicides in Birmingham. 

“That is a 35 percent decrease over the first half of 2025, which saw 37 slayings at that point in the year and a nearly 70 percent drop for the same time period in 2024,” AL.com reported. 

Homicides in Birmingham decreased  43.8 percent last year, according to the Birmingham Police Department’s statistics. Total violent crime in 2025 decreased 5.6 percent, while property crimes increased overall by 3.6 percent, largely due to an 11.5 percent increase in thefts that offset the 19.6 percent drop in auto thefts. 

Birmingham Police Chief Michael Pickett, who has overseen a historic drop in homicide in the city.

It was much the same in the city of Mobile, which saw a 16 percent decrease in homicides in 2025, a 32 percent decrease in sex offenses and a combined 11 percent decrease in robbery and aggravated assaults, according to the Mobile Police Department’s (MPD)  crime statistics report. Overall crime in the city fell by 11 percent in 2025. 

The falling crime in Mobile last year isn’t an anomaly. It’s been steadily dropping there for years as well. 

“When reviewing the 10-year comparison (2016-2025) it shows a steady reduction in Part 1 Crimes over the last eight years. We are pleased to report that in 2025; Part 1 Crimes were down -52% compared to ten years ago,” the MPD report states. 

Huntsville saw similar reductions in crime numbers last year. 

“From 2024 to 2025, violent crime dropped 18.3%, and total reported crime fell 5.8% – a decline from 14,583 offenses in 2024 to 13,725 last year,” Huntsville Police Department’s annual 2025 report reads. 

Crime drops, along with incarceration

Politicians love to use crime to scare people into voting for them. And this election cycle is no different. But it’s much easier to scare people than to keep them safe. To understand, and hopefully maintain, these important declines, Alabama policymakers should pay as close attention to what’s driving the good crime news as they do when a tragic crime grabs headlines and motivates them into sudden action.

No one who is serious about analyzing and understanding crime rates will point to a single cause. It is a complex issue driven by factors as diverse as economics, demographics, and policing.

What we do know is that jamming more people into prisons for long sentences has not caused the drop. And we know this because over the last decade the state’s prison population saw a notable drop, right along with the drop in reported crime, showing the downward crime trend can’t be linked to longer prison sentences or increased incarceration rates. 

Here’s what happened:

In 2014, Alabama faced mounting pressure to deal with a prison system busting at the seams. With prisons at 195 percent capacity and two lawsuits pending, state leaders were aware that Alabama could be forced to release a number of incarcerated people, just as happened in California with the landmark Brown v. Plata case, where the Supreme Court ruling ordered the release of 30,000 incarcerated people over two years. 

Instead, a prison reform task force was formed. The task force included the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, several District Attorneys and the corrections commissioner. They partnered with The Council of State Governments Justice Center (CSG) which resulted in the passage of legislation, aiming to “strengthen community-based supervision, divert people convicted of the lowest-level drug and property offenses from prison to Community Corrections Programs (CCPs), and ensure supervision for everyone upon release from prison to reduce recidivism.” 

In addition, beginning in 2006, the Alabama Sentencing Commission developed and implemented the use of Sentencing Standards to create more consistency and fairness in sentencing practices, and to give judges more options outside of incarceration for lower level felonies.

“In 2012, Alabama’s incarceration rate was the third highest in the U.S., with 650 sentenced individuals per 100,000 adult residents,” a 2014 CSG report reads. Since then, Alabama has consistently dropped to around the 11th or 12th highest incarceration rate in the U.S., closer to Ohio than national leader Mississippi.

So what is causing the drop in crime across the country and here in Alabama? 

Experts warn against placing the cause on any particular factor. However, John Roman, director of the Center on Public Safety at NORC at the University of Chicago, in a recent interview with crime stats expert Jeff Asher, explained the many factors that he thinks resulted in a spike in homicides during the early months of the COVD-19 pandemic. His explanation includes a rash of first-time gun owners who had their guns stolen and later used in shootings, but Roman says the overall downward crime trend is more complicated. 

While many police departments and local governments point to new policing tactics and newly formed task forces as the cause, Mr. Roman cautions against this. He notes that while changes in policing can have an impact, the crime drop is happening everywhere, in rural and urban areas, in red states and blue states across the country. 

“It’s happening all at once. The cause must be national,” Mr. Roman states.

Billions in federal COVID-19 relief funds paid to boost staff in education and social service organizations, behavioral health services, jobs that can prevent young people from committing crimes in the first place, likely had an impact on the drop, among many other factors, he explained. 

Getting the public to believe the data shows crime is dropping in the first place is a difficult task, Mr. Roman explained. 

“I think there are people whose politics are their identity, and they’re never going to be moved off a position and that happens on both the left and the right,”  Roman says. “But I think that for the vast majority of the public, if you give them timely data that is well explained, I think you can change people’s minds.”  

Sen. Greg Albritton, who sits on the Alabama Corrections Institution Finance Authority, which just approved a $195 million bond sale to bring the total cost of a new prison in his district to almost $900 million.

The latest and best available crime data is very clear; crime is dropping in Alabama and nationally. It’s up to Alabamians and their lawmakers to consider what that means. Is investing $5 billion over five years into a failing prison system, more than $1.2 billion for a single new mega prison, another $900 million for a second new prison, and more than $80 million to a single attorney and his staff to defend the indefensible, the answer to the state’s deadly prison crisis? 

We think there are better ways to invest that money that would not only create safer prisons, but safer communities outside of the fences. Let’s take advantage of falling crime and invest instead in programs and services that improve lives and increase public safety.

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Total tax dollars for William Lunsford and the Butler Snow firm now at $94 million

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The Alabama Department of Corrections’ dysfunction continues to outdo itself– over 1,600 people have died in its custody since the Department of Justice released its damning report on conditions in 2019, violence and corruption remain rampant all the way up to prison facility administrators, and taxpayers are on the hook for billions of dollars to pay for the fallout.

In the face of such dysfunction, private Alabama attorney William “Bill” Lunsford is set to receive over $38 million more to defend the state’s indefensible prisons.  As Appleseed has continued to research payments to Lunsford, we keep finding new piles of money dating back to 2016. The current total is $56.4 million paid so far, and another $38 million in pending contracts requested by the Alabama Attorney General’s Office for a new grand total of $94.4 million! 

Lunsford and his firm have been hired to defend the Alabama Department of Corrections in multiple class action lawsuits, as well as smaller civil rights claims brought by incarcerated people who have been beaten or abused, or by the families of incarcerated people who have been killed in state custody. The ongoing violence, corruption, and mismanagement suggests a litigation strategy focused on paying expensive, private lawyers to drag these cases out rather than settling them and addressing the human rights crisis across the state prison system.

Attorney Bill Lunsford of Butler Snow

Lunsford is paid far more than any other government employee in the State of Alabama, including the Governor. $94.4 million could fund the salaries of every District Attorney in the State of Alabama for at least nine years. $94.4 could fund the entire Alabama Attorney General’s Office, which employs about 80, for six years.

But there’s still time. The contracts providing this money have been put on hold for 45 days following last week’s Joint Contract Review meeting, giving lawmakers the time to ask important questions and the Governor time to remove her approval.

Tell Gov. Ivey you do not want more of your taxpayer dollars going to a single, private law firm to continue defending the Department of Corrections– ask her not to approve any new contracts to Bill Lunsford.

Contact Gov. Ivey by emailing her office using this link, or call 334.242.7100.

If you wish to also email your state representative and senator about this issue, you can find them here. Find contact information for your representative here, and your senator here. If you need assistance with your outreach, please contact Appleseed Policy and Advocacy Director Elaine Burdeshaw by emailing elaine.burdeshaw@alabamaappleseed.org.

For more information, read Appleseed Researcher Eddie Burkhalter’s story documenting Lunsford’s rising pay and showing how other states have responded in the face of DOJ litigation here.

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Other states settle cases, Alabama writes big checks. New contracts will bring total ADOC legal spending for attorney William Lunsford to $86 million

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By Eddie Burkhalter, Appleseed Researcher

The private Alabama attorney William “Bill” Lunsford, individually and in his role as an appointed state Deputy Attorney General, has been paid $48.8 million defending the Alabama Department of Corrections (ADOC) as of Aug. 5, and millions more of our tax dollars are headed his way.

Huntsville Attorney William Lunsford

That staggering number, taxpayer funds paid to defend the state’s deadly, chaotic prisons, will skyrocket to $86.8 million if the latest contract increase request of $38 million by ADOC goes through as expected. Most of the new money is for an anticipated trial in the slow-moving DOJ case. Appleseed confirmed these totals through state records.

It’s hard to imagine Alabama could prevail in a trial where the U.S. Department of Justice is expected to lay out a case that federal attorneys have been building since 2019, when the DOJ first issued an initial report detailing the widespread, horrifying abuses inside Alabama’s prisons for men. The DOJ filed suit in December 2020. Since then, the state has completely failed to curtail the violence, death, and corruption at the heart of the lawsuit, instead overseeing years of record deaths totaling more than 1,300 since the case began. Many of those facts are also on full display in the documentary The Alabama Solution, which uses cell phone footage from inside Alabama prisons to show rampant violence, deadly force by officers, open-air drug use and a system in chaos. The trial is set for November.

On Ash Wednesday, Alabamians gathered on the Capitol Steps to remember those who died in state prison custody. Photo by Bernard Troncale

Across the country, few states have let lawsuits over conditions much less troubling go all the way to trial. Instead, state officials agree to bring those prison systems into line, working with federal officials and the courts on settlement agreements that are enforced by monitors. Alabama is an outlier when it comes to dragging these cases on, and one has to question what the state gains in doing so.

It’s hard to question, however, whether Lunsford stands to gain by pushing towards a trial, instead of a settlement, because the many tens of millions in tax dollars going to him seem to speak louder than the voices of those who argue the money could be better spent actually trying to solve the myriad systemic issues inside Alabama’s deadly prisons. 

Comparing the legal costs with other state spending on lawyers in Alabama makes the Lunsford contracts even more alarming. His current and anticipated payments could fund the salaries of every District Attorney in the State of Alabama for at least nine years, according to recent state General Fund budget documents. The Lunsford contract amounts could also fund the entire Alabama Attorney General’s Office, which employs about 80, for six years.  

In a state that purportedly prides itself on fiscal conservatism, only one Alabama lawmaker has questioned the legal spending. Rep. Chris England, D-Tuscaloosa, has temporarily held up the two new contracts for Lunsford to defend the ADOC against the federal government’s lawsuit.

Rep. England, a member of the state Legislature’s Contract Review Committee and the Joint Prison Oversight Committee, put a 45-day hold – all he’s legally allowed to do – on a $30 million contract to Lunsford to pay for litigating the DOJ’s lawsuit over prisons for men, and another $3 million to Lunsford for his legal work on the longrunning Braggs v. Dunn lawsuit over mental health treatment inside state prisons. 

ADOC’s request Thursday would push the total spent to defend the department in Braggs v. Dunn to $14.2 million. Legal spending in Braggs has not been a good investment. In June, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals upheld U.S. District Judge Myron Thompson’s findings of deliberate indifference at the institutional level, concluding that ADOC’s mental healthcare was “horrendously inadequate.” The Eleventh Circuit ruled that the prison system violated the constitutional rights of thousands of incarcerated people with severe mental health conditions by showing deliberate indifference to their mental healthcare needs.

In a candid conversation with Appleseed the former director of another state’s department of corrections explained that it makes no sense for a state to place the majority of its prison litigation with one private attorney, whose business is centered on prison litigation, because it incentivises that attorney to drag the case out and continue billing those legal hours instead of finding ways to help solve the crisis and save the state money. 

A question worth asking is, if most DOJ lawsuits over prisons ended in either consent decrees or settlement agreements, what has Alabama gained by dragging out this legal fight? 

Other states settle and address the problems, Alabama write checks to private lawyers

The Civil Rights of Institutionalized Persons Act (CRIPA) of 1980 is a federal law meant to protect people incarcerated in state and local prisons and jails, those in nursing homes, mental health facilities and other group settings. The DOJ’s 2020 CRIPA lawsuit against Alabama is one of many the federal government has filed since the law’s inception, but one of very few that appears to be headed all the way to trial. 

In these matters, the DOJ generally issues a findings letter to states documenting civil rights abuses in prisons and jails, as it did to Alabama in 2019, and if the federal government isn’t able to secure an agreed upon resolution, the DOJ can file a lawsuit, as it did over Alabama’s prisons for men. 

In most of those other states where a lawsuit is filed, the cases are adjudicated through settlement agreements or consent decrees prior to going to trial, where the outcomes are uncertain, the costs to states in legal fees can be exorbitant, and the abuses persist as the cases drag out. 

Among the many examples of cases settling without trials:

In 1996 the DOJ filed four CRIPA complaints –  with Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi and Florida  – and all four were later settled. 

In 1997 there were six new CRIPA complaints filed, and four of those six ended in settlements. 

All four of the DOJ’s CRIPA complaints filed in 1998 were settled, and the following year, in 1999, the DOJ filed seven new CRIPA complaints and all seven later ended in settlements before going to trial. 

The DOJ’s investigation in 1998 found that staff at five county jails in Phoenix, Arizona “used excessive physical force and restraints in violation of the constitutional rights of individuals detained in the jails.” Arizona and the DOJ entered into a settlement agreement that required the jails to increase staffing and better train staff in the use of force.

Similarly, all three CRIPA lawsuits filed by the DOJ in 2000 settled prior to trials, and another two new CRIPA lawsuits filed in 2001 also settled. 

More recently, Massachusetts Department of Corrections settled with the DOJ in 2022 over mental health care and suicide prevention. The DOJ’s investigation found  “unconstitutional conditions and circumstances where incarcerated people in mental health crisis harmed themselves up to and including suicide…The department found that MDOC did not adequately supervise individuals in mental health crisis, did not provide them adequate mental health care, and used prolonged mental health watches under restrictive housing conditions.”

Settlements have continued in recent years. In 2023 the DOJ entered into a consent decree with the Minnesota Department of Corrections over what the federal government said was disability discrimination throughout the prison system. Virginia in 2019 settled a DOJ lawsuit over religious practices inside Virginia Department of Corrections prisons. The New Jersey Department of Corrections in 2022 signed onto a consent decree with the DOJ over allegations of sexual abuse, excessive force and retaliation at a prison for women. 

Mississippi lawmaker: “We don’t want to be in a situation like Alabama.” 

The DOJ in 2020 opened an investigation into four prisons operated by the Mississippi Department of Corrections, including Mississippi State Penitentiary (Parchman), Southern Mississippi Correctional Institute, Central Mississippi Correctional Facility, and the Wilkinson County Correctional Facility, and four years later released a 60-page report that mirrors many of the findings in Alabama’s case, and states that “MDOC routinely violates the constitutional rights of people incarcerated at all three facilities by failing to protect them from widespread physical violence.” 

Parchman Prison in Mississippi. Unlike Alabama, Mississippi has avoided a DOJ lawsuit over prison conditions.

“The state does not adequately supervise the incarcerated population, control the flow of contraband, adequately investigate incidents of serious harm, or provide adequate living conditions. These problems are exacerbated by chronic understaffing that has allowed gangs to exert improper influence inside the prisons,” the DOJ’s report on Mississippi’s prisons reads. 

It’s been six years since the DOJ opened the investigation into Mississippi’s prisons, and two years since the release of the report, and the DOJ hasn’t filed a lawsuit, as it did just two years after filing its first report on Alabama prisons. 

Instead, Mississippi Governor Tate Reeves hired Burl Cain, former head of the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, to lead the state’s prison system and enact reforms. 

Cain, a controversial prison leader who opponents say overused solitary confinement and who faced allegations of a land deal with the family of an incarcerated man and an audit that showed he used prison workers at his private property, oversaw marked reforms at Angola prison, which in the 1970s was known for rampant violence. 

In an effort to help prevent a DOJ lawsuit, air-conditioning was installed in all but one unit inside 124-year-old Parchman prison, and a third of South Mississippi Correctional Institution now as AC, according to the Clarion Ledger. That one unit in Parchman, that had been the site of a gang war that drew national attention, was shut down and those incarcerated persons sent to another facility. 

“That’s hard work. That helps us with the Justice Department,” Cain told the Clarion Ledger. 

Mississippi state Sen. Juan Barnett, chairman of the Senate Corrections Committee, has warned his state lawmakers that if they fail to make the needed fixes, Mississippi could be facing a DOJ lawsuit as well. A bill he filed that would have closed Parchman and likely sent a portion of those incarcerated persons to a prison operated by a private prison company failed in a senate committee in 2025.  “We don’t want to be in a situation like Alabama,” Barnett told the Clarion Ledger. 

But Attorney Bill Lunsford is collecting tax dollars in Mississippi, as well. This time as the monitor for a private medical care contract. Last summer, that state approved a one-year $687,000 contract with Lunsford to lead a team from his firm, Butler Snow, to monitor the medical contractor providing care for the Mississippi Department of Corrections, according to Mississippi Today, which published a series of articles detailing medical neglect inside Mississippi’s prisons. 

“A complicated, sticky wicket.”

Remarkably, despite making millions defending Alabama’s prison system and asking for many millions more, an attorney working in Lunsford’s Butler Snow office filed a motion in the DOJ’s case on August 5 that failed to properly redact sensitive information about a new security measure within ADOC. Appleseed was able to read the data despite the redactions. 

Rep. Chris England has consistently scrutinized ADOC contracts.

Appleseed isn’t sharing that data, as it involves a large-scale security measure, but the misstep is at least the second embarrassing instance involving Lunsford and his team’s work on Alabama prison litigation. A federal judge in July 2025 removed Lunsford and two other attorneys from a civil rights lawsuit when the attorney for the plaintiff notified the court that a filing by Lunsford’s team included incorrect information made up by artificial intelligence. State records show Lunsford’s team took in $172,396 in the case in which AI was used.

After Rep. England spent more than 20 minutes questioning ADOC’s representative about the requested additional millions to Lunsford during last week’s Joint Contract Review Committee meeting, state Sen. Dan Roberts, R-Mountain Brook, the committee chair, noted that the state was working toward construction of a new 4,000-bed prison and is “anticipating building another facility” but that construction is “a little behind schedule.” The enormous new prison, which has swallowed $1.3 billion in state funding, should insulate the state against future litigation costs, Roberts suggested, before adding: “It is a complicated, sticky wicket.” 

 

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National Advocacy Group FAMM Offering Content on Alabama Prison Tablets

By Eddie Burkhalter, Appleseed Researcher

In the coming weeks incarcerated people in Alabama will be able to access valuable information on their electronic tablets from a national nonprofit that advocates for sentencing and prison reform. 

FAMM (Families Against Mandatory Minimums) announced this week that the organization’s information will soon be available and free to use on Edovo tablets, which are in use in prisons across Alabama and in many other states. 

“We look forward to providing a variety of educational and motivational materials to institutions nationwide. Our offerings will range from extensive information about clemency, compassionate release, and sentencing reform to training on how to advocate from behind bars,” Kelly Haynes, Engagement Programs Associate for FAMM, told Appleseed.

Among the information FAMM will make available on those tablets for incarcerated people are step-by-step guides to creating their own advocacy stories and details on how to connect with lawmakers, videos about applying for sentencing relief, and audio/video/written stories of hope and inspiration from formerly incarcerated people and family members, Haynes said. News about upcoming reform legislation will also be included. 

“We will also feature our quarterly FAMMgram newsletters, so incarcerated people will receive timely news about what’s happening in the criminal justice system and how FAMM is working for reform. FAMM on Edovo will be an invaluable tool for people in prison,” Haynes said. 

FAMM supported Alabama Appleseed’s prison oversight bill, SB 316, which after many discussions with legislators and state departments involved, resulted in an agreement that led to Alabama’s first ever state-led prison oversight pilot program. The program covers Tutwiler and two to three men’s prisons, and will be headed by the Department of Examiners of Public Accounts who will carry out most of the monitoring responsibilities laid out for them in SB 316.

Family members of incarcerated people in Alabama are encouraged to ask their loved ones to search for FAMM content on their devices. FAMM will submit the first section of content this well, and it could take a couple of weeks for the review process to conclude and the information be made available on the devices. 

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1000 Years Overcome! Celebrating a Milestone in Appleseed’s Legal and Reentry Work

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A few years ago, Appleseed confronted an astonishing truth within Alabama state prisons: people sentenced to life without parole, individuals with no chance of using good behavior to catch a break and regain their freedom, served as leaders, mentors, barbers, cooks, literally sang in the chapel choir at Alabama’s maximum security prisons.

John Coleman, 92, Appleseed’s legal client has been free for more than 3 years.

Supporters gathered for brunch June 9 to meet and celebrate some of the individuals freed through Appleseed’s legal work. Photos by Bernard Troncale

Carl Green, 65, has taken numerous classes and is hoping to find employment, following 36 years in prison

For hundreds of these incarcerated people, their convictions involved no physical harm to anyone. They were sentenced under Alabama’s outdated and draconian Habitual Felony Offender Act, and would not face such extreme sentences today. Many had aged into their 60s and 70s and struggled with the fact that they could die in prison.

Slowly, cautiously, we approached district attorneys to see if they would agree to give these cases a second look. And prosecutors and judges across Alabama began to see what we saw, that people once thrown away in some of the worst prisons can grow and change. They can become peacemakers, teachers, artists, and ministers. And permanent punishment is unnecessary and simply wrong.

June 9, Appleseed celebrated the cumulative impact of this innovative legal work. Our clients have served a combined 1000 years in prison. Now they are free, living lives of hope and meaning with their friends and family. And we acknowledged that these men earned their freedom, through exemplary behavior in some of the worst prisons in the country.

We celebrated with our supporters in Birmingham, a community of love and acceptance that has been instrumental in this work. Reentry support is critical to our success, and our reentry program relies on exceptional existing nonprofits to assist our clients with services.

This milestone would not be possible without Appleseed’s legal staff, led by Legal Director Scott Fuqua, a relentless and determined advocate for people once thrown away by the state.  Legal fellow Tayler Walton is critical to our new project representing women who have survived domestic violence, abuse, and neglect. And attorney Becca Cardin corresponds with hundreds of incarcerated people and makes sure everyone’s request is heard.

Client Johnny Crawford, who served nearly 40 years for robbery, shares his story with supporters.

In response to our growing number of successful cases, Appleseed established a holistic reentry program in 2021. Our three-person reentry team ensures clients have safe housing, medical care, transportation, and someone to talk to when they feel overwhelmed and alone. When elderly clients need hospital care, our team is right by their side. When someone moves into their very first apartment, our team finds the furniture, the pots and pans, and makes sure the refrigerator is stocked. 

Reentry case manager Kathleen Henderson has served our clients nearly four years, and has been the driving force in ensuring people have what they need, whether it’s a drivers license, chemotherapy, or supplies to plant their own tomatoes. Social Worker Ingrid Patrick brings incredible care and attention to detail in everything she does, treating all of our elderly clients like family. 

None of this would be possible without Ronald McKeithen, Appleseed’s Director of Second Chances, who served 37 years in prison before becoming our second client to earn his freedom. The night of his release, Ronald asked supporters gathered for a celebration, what can I do to help? Since that time he has been a beacon of hope, light, support, and guidance for dozens of people who deserve a second chance. 

Big thanks to Workshops Empowerment for hosting our brunch and to Appleseed’s Communications and Development Manager Keely Sutton, who pulled the celebration together so beautifully.

 

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Fallout from the State’s Unfortunate Contract with Prison Healthcare Provider YesCare Continues as Workers Go Unpaid and State Dollars Go Missing

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By Eddie Burkhalter, Appleseed Researcher

Medical workers inside Alabama prisons who were employed by the embattled company YesCare haven’t received their last paychecks, and the Alabama Department of Corrections is predicting “protracted litigation,” over millions of taxpayer dollars at issue following the sudden termination of the billion-dollar contract. 

The hardship falling upon those prison health care workers comes despite the Alabama Department of Corrections (ADOC) having paid YesCare a final payment of $11 million in April with a “verbal agreement” that the money would be used to pay employee payrolls. That didn’t happen, leaving workers having to make difficult financial decisions for themselves and their families. 

At Bullock Correctional Facility, nurses on all three shifts went on strike Tuesday, and although some returned to work Wednesday, one worker who did not return to the prison told Appleseed she’d remain at home until she received her pay. Most of those former YesCare workers are now employed by NaphCare, the Birmingham-based company that finalized an emergency contract with ADOC on April 30 to provide medical and mental health care in the state’s prisons. 

Healthcare workers have been on strike at Bullock County prison because of unpaid labor.

The nurse told Appleseed on Wednesday that she hasn’t received a paycheck in almost a month. 

“It’s taking everything you have in this economy to ‘stay above water’ and you miss a paycheck most of us are going to drown. As a result I have had to defer bills and incur unnecessary debt,” she said. “Gasoline is almost $5 a gallon and I have a 45 minute drive to work, and they expect us to still report to work and remain loyal to the cause.” 

The state of Alabama should pay the workers, she said, and “should be held responsible for appointing these unreliable contractors who misuse the funds and are allowed to file bankruptcy and operate under a different name.” 

In a statement from ADOC’s general counsel, Mary-Coleman Roberts, obtained by Appleseed, the department says YesCare failed to honor an agreement to pay the workers their last paychecks, and warns of possible litigation. The statement also includes a response from YesCare’s chief restructuring officer David Goldwasser. 

“As a reminder, ADOC’s last payment to YesCare was made the week of April 20th with the express verbal agreement that YesCare would use that money to make the last two payrolls on April 24th and May 8th. Obviously, that did not happen. When I asked what the ADOC’s $11 million payment was used for, Mr. Goldwasser would only say that it was used for  ‘emergency operations.’  This answer certainly does not sit well with the ADOC, and we will continue exploring all remedies available to us to assist with this payroll issue and the issue of outstanding debts to community providers. That said, we now believe this will likely result in protracted litigation and, unfortunately, there are no guarantees in litigation,” Roberts’ statement reads in part. 

The logo for the bankrupt corporation whose employees have not been paid in weeks.

NaphCare said in a statement to Appleseed that the company is taking steps to help the impacted employees. The company filed a motion on Wednesday with a Florida bankruptcy court supporting YesCare’s request to pay its former employees using money set aside as collateral in YesCare’s bankruptcy proceedings. 

“NaphCare will continue advocating to ensure our employees receive every dollar of compensation owed to them by YesCare. ADOC paid YesCare’s final invoice based on YesCare’s commitment to fulfill payroll obligations as part of the transition process. YesCare must honor that commitment, and we hope that the bankruptcy court will promptly approve YesCare’s motion to help ensure payment is made without further delay to the hundreds of healthcare workers across multiple states who are still awaiting compensation,” NaphCare’s statement reads. 

NaphCare also implemented a $1,000 signing bonus, recognized employee paid leave balances from their time at YesCare and allows employees to access up to 70 percent of their pay prior to scheduled payroll dates. 

Naphcare CEO Brad McLane added: “I believe our contract is on solid legal ground as a needed emergency contract.”

“ADOC should be commended for acting quickly, not criticized. If not for the swift action of the agency this would have been a humanitarian crisis beyond reckoning,” McLane said. 

“There’s got to be a better process”

The financial meltdown has been years in the making. One key lawmaker warned that the $1.03 billion Alabama contract seemed shaky, but the state forged ahead.

New York City-based private equity firm Perigrove 1018, LLC, led by Isaac Lefkowitz, in December 2021 bought Corizon Health Inc., once the largest prison health care company in the U.S., which was facing more than $775 million in wrongful death and medical malpractice lawsuits. 

Within months of acquiring Corizon, Lefkowitz and his ownership team used a controversial legal maneuver that’s been called the “Texas two-step” to saddle about $185 million of the company’s debt with a newly formed company, Tehum Care Services Inc., Bloomberg Law reported, and yet another newly formed company by Corizon, called YesCare, received the $1 billion contract to provide the Alabama Department of Corrections with medical service inside the state’s prisons. Tehum filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in February 2023. 

According to Tehum’s bankruptcy settlement approximately $50 million was to be paid by YesCare and its subsidiaries, Bloomberg reported, but the company led by Lefkowitz, whom in bankruptcy court documents is listed as the directors of both Tehum and YesCare, in September 2025 began missing those payments. A total of five missed payments resulted in $5.7 million unpaid by YesCare, court records show. The victim creditor trusts, which were to be paid the money, declared default. 

“But on May 8, the businesses built from Corizon’s rescued assets—YesCare Corp. and several affiliates—fell into Chapter 11, capping off years of litigation and financial struggles. The bankruptcy raises questions about the effectiveness of the legal strategy known as the Texas Two-Step, and whether incarcerated creditors may ever get paid,” Bloomberg Law reported. 

Lefkowitz has in remarks disparaged incarcerated people whom his companies are contracted to care for, according to court records reported by Business Insider. 

“These tort claimants are criminals, right; they’re in jail?” Lefkowitz said during a deposition, Business Insider reported. “These are criminals that file fictitious claims.”

Rep. Chris England in meetings prior to ADOC entering into the $1 billion contract with YesCare warned that the company, which previously had a contract with ADOC when it was called Corizon, was on shaky grounds and would likely fail to meet the terms of the new contract. England explained to Appleseed on Wednesday that his predictions were correct and his warnings should have been heeded.  

“There’s got to be a better process where there’s more oversight, so we don’t enter into contracts with companies like YesCare again,” England said. “The Department of Corrections should not be able to enter into, negotiate contracts without some additional involvement or third party oversight to keep us from situations like this.”

Rep. Chris England has consistently scrutinized ADOC contracts and first raised concerns about YesCare’s viability in 2023.

England also expressed concern for the unpaid workers.

“They sacrificed as much as they have to care for people who are incarcerated. It should be commended and not forgotten. The state of Alabama should do whatever is necessary to make sure that they get those last two paychecks. No words to say how much we appreciate that sacrifice,” England said. “But at the same time, the state of Alabama, the Department of Corrections owes you better to not enter into deals with companies that are already insolvent, working through lawsuits all over the country, and only for us to pretend like this wasn’t foreseeable.”

On May 15, as the workers were dealing with another pay period with no pay, Goldwasser, YesCare’s Chief Restructuring Officer, sent a memo to employees across multiple states.

“To the providers, nurses, medical staff, and operations teams who have continued to show up for patients this week — I see you. The customers we serve see you. Our clinical work has not stopped, and that is because of you, doing your job under conditions no one should have to work under. You are the reason this company is worth saving, and it is the reason I am here doing this. I’m sorry you are going through this. I won’t insult you by saying anything more than that.”

His words were not persuasive to the nurse at Bullock Correctional.

“I have never experienced anything like this my entire 26 years of nursing. Working hard. Showing up. Doing what you are supposed to do, then having to beg for pay you have already earned, borrow money, and trying to explain to your family why bills can’t get paid?,” she said. “It strips away dignity and this entire situation is humiliating.” 

 

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April 2026: News and Updates

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Hello from Alabama Appleseed! Our April newsletter contains your monthly dose of hope and justice from right here in Alabama. We accomplished surprising things this quarter. And Jason Isbell stopped by.

Grammy-award winning singer and songwriter, Jason Isbell, performs a benefit concert for Appleseed April 16 at the Lyric Theatre. Photo by Josh Weichman

Read more here.

Highlights:

Appleseed’s focus on representing people unnecessarily incarcerated under extreme sentences has resulted in freedom for dozens of Alabamians. They are catching up on lost time with their beloved families, holding down jobs, and trying to recover from decades in Alabama’s brutal prisons. Recent wins include:

  • Medical parole for Leon “Bud” Hotchkiss, 70, who served 14 years on a marijuana conviction.
  • Parole for Milton Hambright, 63, who served more than 30 years and immediately found employment operating a forklift at a Cullman manufacturing plant.

Milton Hambright enjoys his freedom. Pictured with Scott Fuqua, Kathleen Henderson, and Ronald McKeithen from our staff.

  • Parole for Scarlette Orso, 62, who served 17 years on a manslaughter conviction. Ms. Orso is Appleseed’s first criminalized survivor as the victim in her case had abused her for years.
  • Parole for Tommy Rogers, a US Army veteran who served 22 years without a single disciplinary. Even the victim’s family in his case supported his release.
  • Parole for Marcus Miller, 57, who served 27 years during which he did his own legal work to successfully challenge an illegal life without parole sentence.
  • Parole for LaToya Davis, who served 26 years for an offense that occurred when she was only 15.
  • Medical parole for Jamaal Mabry, 29, who was sentenced to prison for a robbery conviction, then suffered a stabbing injury which left him quadriplegic.

Appleseed led multiple legislative wins this session, including pushing two criminal justice reform bills over the finish line and helping to develop a pilot program for independent prison oversight that will launch immediately. Our success came from working closely with those most impacted by the system. Read about Elaine Burdeshaw’s experiences this session in the newsletter.

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Chapter 4: The Process of Healing

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In recognition of National Crime Victims Rights Week, Appleseed is sharing a series of blog posts on grief, trauma, loss, and healing by our Community Navigator, Callie Greer. Callie is a powerful voice for survivors in Alabama. Based on her own experiences losing two children, working through grief, finding forgiveness, and passing on her life’s lessons to others, Callie has been a catalyst for healing. Her wisdom needs to be captured and shared. 

By Callie Greer, Appleseed Community Navigator

Greetings, pray all is well with you and yours. I’m here again to continue the conversation about my lived experiences, specifically with violent crime. My last three blogs were a discussion of those experiences because of the month we’re in, which has been proclaimed Crime Victims/Survivors Month. I previously offered a trigger warning; that offer still stands today. This will be my last blog for this occasion, so I’ll attempt to bring it all together. 

These blogs are for everyone who has experienced violence. There are stages that we experience after the violence we have lived. There is loss; the degree, depth, and harm are different for all of us, but we agree that it’s there. Whether we have lost loved one(s), experienced domestic abuse, sexual abuse, suicide, bullying, child abuse, gun violence, or even robbery. There are also stages of restoration we need to experience, just not in the same ways. When we don’t tend to the harm we add layers, and when we get to the breaking point we look back at those original harms and sometimes think, “if we had dealt with it, maybe this wouldn’t have happened.” For example, when terrible, violent crimes happen, we often hear about the life of the perpetrator. How the life they experienced before caused them to do the things they have done (unattended to harm), and we might be asked to consider those facts when seeking justice. 

Creation of a quilt honoring loved ones lost to violence is one way Callie has helped others in the healing process.

Now, I don’t want to go too far down this rabbit hole, but we have to start using preventive measures to at least curb the onslaught of violence. We’ve got to stop waiting until these things happen and start applying the resources we have to the people who are already harmed. We’ve got to redirect the resources that are available to prevent further harm, not use them to incarcerate people more and forever; that hasn’t worked. Our prisons are bursting, and every day we hear or read about another capital murder charge. The death penalty isn’t working, because if it were, death row would have been empty a long time ago. But when we look at the restorative justice work that is happening, we are encouraged that it’s helping. When people have these hard conversations about justice, they sometimes achieve a positive outcome that offers a clearer path to their own closure and justice. How would it look for everyone, on all levels, if we had the resources to offer this kind of preventative, restorative path to everyone, and then apply justice in the way it was designed to be used? I believe in some cases it could help us to interrupt the violent reactions we often see. 

We’ve got to change the narrative and not use all our resources to simply punish people, causing more harm to our society as a whole. We have to find the money to truly rehabilitate people– human beings– just like we find the money to build bigger and better prisons to punish them in. We have to be intentional about healing! For me, my healing process included the other family as well– the family of the person who killed my son. Where we lost our son, brother, family member, they were losing theirs as well. I know some will want to discuss this more, and we can. For me, when we forgave in the courtroom, the violence ended. There was no need for us to get revenge, to seek the death penalty (I was experiencing death, and I didn’t want it for anyone else, not even the shooter).

As survivors/victims of violent crimes, we have to do some really hard work to be restored. That journey is different for all of us. But in my thousands of conversations in this space, one thing rises to the top, something most people want: that what happened to me and mine doesn’t happen to me again or to anyone else. Preventive measures– it’s not too late to prevent the next violent crime. We just have to do the work. We all have skin in this game; no one is immune. 

How do we do this, you ask? I’m glad you did. Appleseed has partnered with organizations like Crime Survivors Speak, GirlTREK, Supreme Transitions, ECHO, MAAVIS, and Faith In Action to work toward better, more restorative support for survivors in Alabama. Check out their links for more resources. There is no lack of work to be done on many levels. You can choose how you will be part of the healing process. And if you know people who are struggling in their own healing process, there are resources available to help them. Just reach out or come and join in.

As I close my last blog, I pray it was helpful, encouraging, and insightful. I hope it has caused you to want to know or do more in this healing process. As I stated before, I bring my family into the healing process so we are all on this journey together. My granddaughter is an artist, and we use her every chance we get. I asked her to create a flower for me that is all-inclusive for this month. This is what we came up with. Please accept it as a reminder that you are not alone; we see you, we hear you, we feel you, and yes, we want you to be a part of this healing process. Come as you are, because where you are is where we start. You are enough. 

Until next time,

Mama Callie

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Chapter 3: The Process of Mourning

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In recognition of National Crime Victims Rights Week, Appleseed is sharing a series of blog posts on grief, trauma, loss, and healing by our Community Navigator, Callie Greer. Callie is a powerful voice for survivors in Alabama. Based on her own experiences losing two children, working through grief, finding forgiveness, and passing on her life’s lessons to others, Callie has been a catalyst for healing. Her wisdom needs to be captured and shared. 

By Callie Greer,  Appleseed Community Navigator 

Greetings, pray all is well with you and yours. I’m here again to continue the conversation about my lived experiences, specifically with violent crime. My last couple of blogs were an introduction of those experiences and future blogs in this time and space, which has been proclaimed Crime Victims/Survivors Month. I previously offered a trigger warning; that offer still stands today.

Here again, I am attempting to share with you some of my journey and the different roads I have taken to reach a place of healing and peace. In the process, I’m also trying to bring others into the fold so they can share as well and offer suggestions, ideas, and actions– resources we can use to gain strength and knowledge to help us along the way. 

I am not and will never claim to be an expert in this, but who I do claim to be is a woman, mother, wife, sister, aunt, and friend who needs others I can sit and talk with who get me. A place where I don’t have to explain every reason why I’m some kind of way, or as they say nowadays, “in my feelings”. For example, April 2nd was not necessarily a special day for a lot of folks, but for some it was. For our family it was Edwin’s 32nd birthday. Edwin is my nephew who died from gun violence, and we never really got the whole truth about his death. They labeled it, “accidental self-inflicted”. That never really sat well with us; there are too many unanswered questions. This is a hard place to be in, and I don’t promise you that it will change today. But I do promise you that confronting, naming, speaking, and finding healthy ways to release your stress and emotions will bring about a better change in your life. This is a life-long process for most of us, and it requires attention early on. The longer we don’t attend to it, the more layers we have to remove.

Mourning for me was and still is, just not as often. Accepting the new reality of my loss and what that means is constant. These life-changing experiences have altered our lives in ways we never imagined and ways we still can’t quite comprehend. I have to be careful not to get caught up in the “what if’s” or the “why did it happen to me’s”, because, for me, it only creates more layers I will have to peel back later. 

Callie and her husband Greer, a strong and steady force for good as she navigates grief, mourning, and healing

Am I suggesting that we move along as if this never happened? Lord, no! We have to push forward, work through, and find that niche that gives us what we’re looking for. It’s different for all of us, but in many ways it’s the same. We all want peace, assurance, safety… some kind of guarantee that we won’t have to endure this again. That’s not something anyone can offer, but we can find peace, become motivated, and create the legacy we want for our loved one. My motto is, “Don’t waste your pain, create something terribly beautiful out of it.” Take control of your healing process. I’ve brought my husband, daughters, granddaughters, son, and other family members into my healing process, exposing them to the same experiences that I and others dedicated to this work receive. They get to take the medicine, too. Accepting the truth is powerful. Having family with me to help also creates an opening for more conversation. There have been times when we’ve had some deep and revealing conversations about our hurts where we realize our experience of the loss of our loved ones looks different– that’s part of what the peeling off the layers looks like, too.

Callie founded MAAVIS, Mothers Against All Violence in Solidarity, to bring other families in her circle of support support.

I talk with so many strong women who have endured, and are enduring, loss after loss. I pull on them for knowledge of how they are able to continue and strive after so much pain, hurt, and loss. If you want to know, you’ll have to come and see us. It looks like they go through these losses in ways we could never see ourselves, but they would be the first to tell you they weren’t always like this, that they still mourn their losses and they just found their niche– the outlets that work for them. Some paint, write poetry, cook, bake, sew, sing, and encourage others. Some make healing baskets, do outreach, start organizations, and put up with folks like me. But they each worked until they found it, and then they put it to use to help others. 

Callie Greer, the author

In my 27 plus years of mourning, I have found that helping others has been one of the strongest healing medicines; the strongest medicine I have taken is forgiveness. It has helped me through my healing process in ways you can’t imagine. It truly is, for me, a medicine for my mind, heart, body, and soul. 

Mourning and the process of mourning are necessary. If done in a healthy way, we can find it easier to move forward without feeling guilty about living a good, happy, healthy life. It doesn’t mean forgetting your loved one. We find a place in our thoughts for them that leaves room for others to be loved and valued as well. 

I’d like to leave you with a story if I can. Not long after Mercury was killed, my friend Michelle Browder took me to Atlanta, where her sister, Tracey, lived. Tracey told me she had been in her prayer closet for me daily. We attended a conference called “Woman Thou Art Loosed”. At one point, the Minister was speaking to the audience– but I felt like it was directed to me. They said, “There’s a woman here that’s carrying a dead child in the womb of her heart. But what about the living!?” I was struck. You see, I had been consumed by the loss of Mercury, overwhelmed, and guilt-ridden. But Mercury was not an only child! He had 4 other living siblings! “What about the living?” That changed things for me. 

I don’t know who needs this; maybe no one’s reading this. But just in case someone does, I’m sharing it and I’m asking: when you lost your loved one(s), did you die with them and leave your other family members? Are you still gone? I’m going to close out now and ask you to sit with this. Ask yourself some hard, real questions. Has your mourning destroyed you and others? If so, what are you going to do about it? 

I’ve got one more for you. Until then,

Mama Callie

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Appleseed Post-Session Briefing: Two good bills passed, a prison oversight pilot created, and renewed optimism for continued prison reform in Alabama

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Highlights:

  • Appleseed succeeded in pushing two criminal justice reform bills over the finish line this session.
  • We also helped develop a pilot program for independent prison oversight that will launch immediately.
  • By working alongside justice-involved people and families of incarcerated Alabamians, Appleseed was able to identify issues that matter to the people most impacted by the criminal justice system.
  • Here is a behind-the-scenes look at how it all happened.

By Elaine Burdeshaw, Appleseed Policy and Advocacy Director

I wasn’t sure what to expect this session. Of course I was hopeful, but after hearing from most legislators, lobbyists, and news outlets that “nothing was going to happen this session”, I must say my hopefulness was more… realistic. Nevertheless, we set out to do what we always do: provide the legislature with commonsense solutions to address the myriad of problems we and the directly impacted people we work with run into while dealing with Alabama’s criminal justice system. 

At the start of the 2026 session we had two main priorities:

Elaine Burdeshaw discusses legislation with DOC’s Jeff Williams

First, to provide independent oversight of the state Department of Corrections (DOC). After years of monitoring and documenting the conditions inside DOC, Appleseed began working on oversight legislation in 2023. We knew through this documentation and our relationships with incarcerated people and their families that few policies were more important to prioritize than oversight. Alabama’s prisons continue to be the deadliest in the country, with a death rate of almost 3 times the national average. There are high rates of overdose deaths due to the prevalence of drugs inside. Families are extorted for large amounts of money often just to keep their loved ones safe. Facilities remain overcrowded and understaffed. All of this and the state continues to pay exorbitantly– 5 billion dollars in the last 5 years– for a system that offers very little return on investment.

Second, to reform the state’s use of parole revocations, an issue we became aware of after representing clients at parole hearings and hearing more from individuals who had been paroled on life sentences. What we learned was that the parole board has no discretion when it comes to their decisions to revoke– or not revoke– individuals with certain underlying offenses. We also learned that when individuals are revoked due to new charges, they often linger in prison until they’re eventually able to come back up for parole even when those charges are dropped. As with most challenges Appleseed works to address, this seemingly in-the-weeds issue imposed real-life consequences on people who had been doing well on parole for years, who had worked to rebuild their lives after, in some cases, decades of incarceration.

Our report uncovered unnecessary revocations and called for reform.

Archie Hamlett Truck

Archie Hamlett’s story, of being revoked back to prison for a minor charge that was later dropped, inspired SB254.

What we experienced on both of these fronts ended up being policy making and advocacy at its best.

Prison Oversight 

Our prison oversight bill, SB 316, was filed by Sen. Larry Stutts, R-Tuscumbia after months of working through details of the legislation and what it should include. In its original form, the bill formalized a role within the Department of Examiners of Public Accounts created in 2024, increasing their responsibilities and providing them with the authority to independently monitor DOC. They would be given “golden key access” to all DOC facilities– to go anywhere, look everywhere, talk to anyone– and compile a list of information that would then be reported publicly, including recommendations for improvement. Along with this primary function, the bill also included provisions that would have removed all investigative authority from DOC, placing it with the State Bureau of Investigations, and provided each District Attorney’s office with a major prison in their circuit a special prosecutor for cases coming out of DOC. This seems like a lot, but we believed each piece would be helpful in creating more transparency and accountability within the department. 

On Ash Wednesday, Alabamians gathered on the Capitol Steps to remember those who died in state prison custody. Photo by Bernard Troncale

After many conversations with legislators, legislative leadership and the state departments involved, and after a bit of a reality check on where we were in this very fast-paced session, we realized we needed to come together to chart a different path. In a couple meetings, we were able to hammer out an agreement that led to Alabama’s first ever state-led prison oversight pilot program. The program covers Tutwiler and two to three men’s prisons, and will be headed by the Department of Examiners of Public Accounts who will carry out most of the monitoring responsibilities laid out for them in SB 316. This pilot program means, rather than dealing with uncertainty of the bill’s passage and concerns about long implementation times, oversight can start now. Our hope, and Sen. Stutts’ stated goal is to come back next year to assess results of the program and move forward with legislation to expand based on its findings.

The day the pilot was announced, Sen. Stutts and Pro Tem Garlan Gudger stood on the Senate floor and shared the plans for oversight with the rest of the body; this alone was a welcome surprise after years of most DOC air time being consumed with how the state will pay for its construction of new prisons. But something else happened that was even more remarkable. Those two members of the state Senate stood and recognized, in front of their colleagues and the watching public, the contributions of the many parents and family members of incarcerated people who have been fighting for change and relief for years. To us, this only made sense. The families, and those currently and formerly incarcerated, are the ones who drove us to this point. In the words of Pro Tem Gudger, “we wouldn’t be where we are now without them.”

Appleseed’s Elaine Burdeshaw and advocates for prison oversight celebrate at the Alabama Statehouse.

Parole Revocation Reform 

Our parole revocation reform bill, SB 254, was filed by Sen. Sam Givhan, R-Huntsville and later filed in the House as HB 437 by Rep. Laura Hall, D-Huntsville. In the beginning, the bill provided the parole board front-end discretion when an individual on parole with certain underlying offenses is up for revocation, and broad back-end discretion when someone is revoked for a new charge and those charges are later dropped or reduced to something more minor. As the process normally goes, the bill went through some changes after conversations with various stakeholders who came to the table. 

Through conversations with the Bureau of Pardons and Paroles, Office of Prosecution Services, and District Attorneys Association, we were able to work out a plan to address what seemed to be the most important, pressing need we kept running into. How do we make sure one, the parole court (those who review revocation cases) can consider all the facts of a violation in their decision making, and two, that someone who’s been revoked for a new charge doesn’t linger in prison if those charges are dropped? Now that SB 254 has passed, pathways have been created to do just that. 

Support for Crime Survivors 

Appleseed recognizes the undeniable connection between those who are victims of crime and those who commit crime, and the need to provide support to both. In 2023, we released a report called Afterward, documenting what happens in Alabama after violence occurs. In a state that often touts prioritization of victims when it comes to public safety and criminal justice, we sought to answer questions like, when violence occurs, do survivors of that violence get what they need and want? Are we considering the voices of all victims, or only the ones that suit our desired outcomes? Of all we learned from that report, one issue kept rising to the top: victims and survivors are not getting the support they need in the wake of violence, specifically when it comes to financial compensation. 

Appleseed’s Callie Greer speaks at the Alabama Survivors Speak rally in February.

It turns out Alabama has a state agency for that– the Alabama Crime Victims Compensation Commission (CVCC). It also turns out that until now, the window of time to apply for compensation after experiencing violent crime was one year. Only one year to learn of the Commission, figure out how to apply, and go through the process of applying to obtain the financial support available. If you’ve ever talked to someone who has experienced this kind of violence, you’ll know wading through all that comes with it to get to a place where someone can even think about anything other than what’s happened to them is a tough, if not impossible, task in that period of time.

Over the last year, Appleseed has been working with Crime Survivors Speak, a national organization focused on centering the voices of survivors and victims of crime. This session we were proud to partner with them on an event, Survivors Speak Alabama, that took place in Montgomery on the Capitol steps. Here, around 200 crime survivors gathered to ask the state for more support, including passage of HB 255 by Rep. Russell Bedsole, R-Alabaster, which expands the application window for victims compensation from one to two years. This bill, filed for the first time in 2025, was an effort primarily led by CVCC and Rep. Bedsole, though Appleseed and CSS were grateful for the opportunity to support passage of HB 255, which has now been signed into law. There is no doubt that the presence of crime survivors in Montgomery that day, calling for support and listening ears, helped prioritize this legislation among lawmakers. As CSS says, “When survivors speak, change happens.”

Appleseed is so grateful to the many who made these wins possible: our bill sponsors – Sen. Stutts, Sen. Givhan, and Rep. Hall–, Pro Tem Gudger and his office, Rep. Bedsole, the Bureau of Pardons and Paroles and Director Cam Ward, the Office of Prosecution Services and District Attorneys Association, the Department of Examiners of Public Accounts, the Department of Corrections, Crime Victims Compensation, Crime Survivors Speak, and finally, all of Appleseed’s clients, the family members we work with, and all those directly impacted by Alabama’s justice system who help Appleseed keep a pulse on current needs. And of course, all you everyday Alabamians out there whose support and engagement keeps us optimistic about what’s possible.

We weren’t sure what to expect this session. Of course we were hopeful. Turns out we had a right to be. See you next session!

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